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By Zohra Yusuf THE media in Pakistan had barely recovered from the blows inflicted by the proclamation of emergency on Nov 3 when another attempt to curtail its freedom was launched. This time it was by the Supreme Court of Pakistan.
The restrictions that some of the judges tried to impose on the private television channels revealed a lack of understanding of the nature of the electronic media itself.
Reacting in particular to a report carried by Geo News and Jang about a supposed meeting between the interior secretary and three judges of the Supreme Court, the court took suo motu notice and summoned the bureau chief of Geo News, Islamabad. The judges’ stance was the meeting never happened.
Also irked by the daily debates on the judicial crisis, the judges ordered television channels to get clearance from the registrar of the Supreme Court before producing any programme on this controversial issue. However, such a restriction was a non-starter. As Mazhar Abbas, secretary general of the PFUJ, pointed out in a television interview, this kind of a requirement would mean queues outside the office of the SC registrar with still no clear guarantee of what would be said (or remain unsaid) in a live television debate.
Not surprisingly, the Supreme Court had to amend its order substantially, limiting the restriction to the use of derogatory remarks against judges on television and in the press.
Journalists had heaved somewhat of a sigh of relief when the new coalition government cancelled all the amendments made to the Pemra ordinance at the time of the proclamation of emergency last November, even though the demand for a major overhaul (if not an end) of the ordinance remained. However, the fact that the honeymoon between the media bodies and the government has hit the rocks already may be sensed by the allegations of official threats made by some journalists — those belonging to the Jang/Geo News group, in particular. The prime minister’s ubiquitous troubleshooter, Rehman Malik, as well as unnamed friends of the PPP co-chairperson, Asif Zardari, have been accused of threatening journalists and talk show hosts. Rehman Malik, though, has denied making threats.
Successive governments have not learnt the lesson that attempts to restrict the media is a recipe for disaster. In Pakistan’s recent history, such attempts have had a negative impact on an independent electronic media still trying to find its feet.
The most serious threat to the freedom of the media came with the emergency imposed by a desperate chief of army staff. The period of emergency meant turbulent days for the media as the private channels in particular struggled to retain independence while facing severe financial setbacks. Positions hardened and objectivity often took a back seat. The private television channels began to take partisan positions — and this disturbing trend continues even with the induction of a democratically elected government.
The frenzied, frenetic pace of news coverage — and worse, the aggressive approach — left the coalition government with little breathing space. From the issue of who would be chosen to be prime minister to the speculations on the restoration of judges, politicians (particularly of the ruling coalition) were confronted and practically forced to make statements they may not have made given the opportunity to think a little on the issue.
This, of course, does not condone the politicians who tend to perform for the media and love to listen to the 30 seconds or so of sound bite allotted to them. However, the attitude towards news reporting shows some unpalatable tendencies. Channels, for example, started a countdown as soon as the Murree Declaration promising the restoration of judges within 30 days was signed.
Similarly, Geo now seems to have made provocative songs a regular feature of its new bulletins, satirising situations such as Amin Fahim’s shattered hopes of being prime minister to the rifts between the PPP and the PML-N.
However, there are many positive developments, probably countering the somewhat negative ones. And among the reasons for hope is journalists’ resistance to dictatorship.
Following the emergency, journalists’ associations, supported by civil rights groups, led a sustained protest movement in the face of the government’s intransigence and were often the victims of state violence. Television talk shows became road shows, with banned hosts conducting their programmes before live audiences across the country. The culture of resistance, dormant to an extent, was suddenly revitalised. This courageous resistance was honoured by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) when it gave the prestigious 2007 International Press Freedom Award to PFUJ’s Mazhar Abbas.
The World Press Freedom Day observed on May 3 provided ample opportunity for the media and media commentators to analyse and report on the state of media freedom in Pakistan. The role of journalists in upholding press freedom was rightly acknowledged. However, the day should also have been an occasion for a bit of soul-searching. After all, what have we made of the unprecedented freedom of the media?
On a balance sheet, the state of the media in Pakistan will probably give a favourable picture. But weaknesses remain. Foremost among them is the lack of professionalism. The unprecedented and fast-paced growth of the electronic media came with little investment in training. ‘Experts’ were instantly created and given the time and space to expound on issues without the depth of knowledge that experience brings. This remarkable growth has also led to an unhealthy competition where to be first with ‘breaking news’ often means going on air with unsubstantiated news.
Today, more than ever before, there is a need for an independent complaints commission for all media. A responsive commission will deflect the kind of attacks seen on the media in recent days. Journalists must strengthen their role as watchdogs. However, they should bark and, in spite of having teeth, refrain from biting.
The writer is a regular contributor to DAWN
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